Prop. 1's Exercise in Brinksmanship

bus.jpgIn today's P-I, columnist Joel Connelly blithely goes along with the argument that if Prop. 1--the tax-heavy plan to breathe funding-life into the Regional Transportation Improvement District (RTID)--fails, the entire region will continue tottering along to complete and total transportation infrastructure collapse.

Likening the quandary Prop. 1 voters face to a scene from Butch Cassidy and the Sundance Kid, Connelly writes:

Cornered atop a cliff, Butch Cassidy and the Sundance Kid face surrender to a railroad magnate's posse, or a jump into a stream far below.

There is one difference: Butch and Sundance understood there was only one option to remain free men and outlaws. They anticipated no mercy from Mr. E.H. Harriman of the Union Pacific Railroad.

As folks decide on Prop. 1, however, "No" side partisans are freely giving assurances of a brighter tomorrow if the voters refuse to jump for this package of steep taxes.

For a decade or more, the Seattle area has been stuck in a transportation-policy quagmire as various NIMBYs and interest groups manage to trip up one another's (and everyone else's) plans. Environmentalists keep the urban voters pining for mass transit and scuttling road re-investment, while business interests sink ambitious mass transit plans (e.g., the Monorail). Seattle's neighborhood activists, who tend to come from well-off neighborhoods and who want to keep their disproportionately large piece of the city-budget pie, make common cause with poverty activists to criticize the city investing scarce dollars in "nice-to-have" (read: unnecessary and expensive) transit solutions like the S.L.U.T. The result is that nothing ever gets done.

And the politicos know that; hence the RTID. If it gets funding, then the ability of the electorate to influence new projects is drastically decreased, as fewer funding plans would be placed on the ballot where a fickle electorate would be apt to nix them.

Hence the brinksmanship on the part of Prop. 1's designers: offer everyone a carrot--if you want transit, you gotta pay for roads, and vice-versa. If the voters don't bite, then, well, you're all screwed.

"Delay will add hundreds of millions to the price tag of getting anything done," writes Connelly darkly, parroting Prop. 1's supporters. "We've learned, too, of a different kind of cost -- the difficulty of getting people to jobs and moving goods between workplaces."

There are two fundamental problems with the RTID approach, though. First, exactly why should we trust these people with so much decision-making power? After all, it was the various transportation agencies (WSDOT, SDOT, Sound Transit) who failed for so long to achieve any real gains. The reason mass-transit supporters like the Sierra Club and King Co. Exec Ron Sims turned against the plan was they realized the RTID would enable those who favor more highways to siphon off funding from necessary mass transit projects, which are a much better long-term investment.

And second, the carrot-and-stick approach of Prop. 1, by putting everyone's eggs in the same basket, thus producing a single, huge set of tax increases, is potentially self-defeating. The electorate has consistently shown itself willing to vote down large funding projects. Yesterday, the P-I reported on a UW poll that found that Prop. 1 is failing 46 to 43 percent (Carless in Seattle took issue with the news analysis of the poll, but even so the race remains a dead heat).

The idea that Prop. 1 represents a break with Seattle's tradition of intransigence is appealing but likely inaccurate. A more realistic analysis of the past decade has shown that when local leaders like Sims and Nickels throw their weight behind reasonably affordable projects (like light rail and S.L.U.T.), they can achieve a critical mass of business interests, environmentalists, and civic-minded voters to make things happen. While it's tempting to throw a lot of criticism at the confused electorate in the Puget Sound region for constantly voting down options, the more likely truth is that the voters have had the good sense to fight tooth and nail to stop unaccountable agencies (WSDOT) and megalomaniacal ego-projects (Nickels' tunnel). After all, the voters willing passed tax increases on themselves for the monorail and supported it at the polls later; it was the voters, not the agencies, who took that initiative, and the failure of the SMP can be largely attributed to the fact local leaders refused to take serious action to make it work.

Thanks to Timwillis of the Seattlest Flickr pool for his awesome shot of a lonely bus ride home on the 49

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...when local leaders like Sims and Nickels throw their weight behind reasonably affordable projects (like light rail and S.L.U.T.), they can achieve a critical mass of business interests, environmentalists, and civic-minded voters to make things happen.
Maybe I'm still under the spell of Schumacher's Small Is Beautiful, but as I look at how volatile the future seems around transportation modalities, it seems more prudent to invest in these smaller, quicker-to-implement options, and also diversify the financing and responsibility of ownership as well. It's always appealing to finance the single megaproject that will in theory solve everything, but in the past that's resulted in things like the original Viaduct and I-5 bifurcating the city.

Ditto. Personally, I've always had a problem with the idea that we should nickle and dime transportation investments; the single-minded focus on buses reminds me of a great headline in The Onion that read, "Report: 98 Percent Of U.S. Commuters Favor Public Transportation For Others." The reality is that while a streetcar seems expensive and quaint, Portland discovered that unlike with buses, and even more than lightrail, people enjoyed riding the streetcar. So while some of these may seem like "boutique" transit options, that interpretation ignores the fact that beyond providing a means of transit at all for people who need it because they can't afford to drive, we need to provide transit that attracts people who'd normally drive to using transit. That's the way to the future.

This is a perceptive analysis of the weaknesses in this ballot measure. Remember also that King County passed Transit Now last year which raised the sales tax for more bus service, and Seattle passed Bridging the Gap, which was local street and bridge maintenance with a real green emphasis on new transit, bicycle and walking improvements (including the complete streets policy which changed how we prioritize uses on our rights of way.) So the "all or nothing" framing is not accurate.

The "small is beautiful" reference is on point as well. Transportation financing is often dominated by the big projects designed to aid long distance trips, while funding that helps short trips -- improving and restoring the local street grids, sidewalks, bike lanes and trails and more local transit is starved. Bridging the Gap was $365 million over ten years, I think Transit Now was around $600 million over a number of years. As a comparison, that's less than the cost of the 509 extension, which will mainline traffic from I-5 into the first avenue south bridge. And 509 is just a portion of billions of dollars in new highways in RTID. RTID is a symptom of the wrong priorities in spending. We need to root down deeper in this state's transportation financing, and really start supporting smart land uses and walkable transit-friendly communities. The backbone of that can be found in the many street grids around the region that grew up in the streetcar era. Reconnecting them with frequent reliable transit, investing in great streetscapes, and supporting well designed new housing, is a great recipe for getting people out of cars and reducing global warming pollution. Congestion pricing to make more efficient use of our freeways, and finance maintenance and transit is the other major piece of a successful strategy.

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